• September 1983: At a Central Committee meeting, internal party strife intensifies, with criticisms of Bishop’s leadership for disorganization. A proposal for joint leadership between Bishop and Deputy Prime Minister Bernard Coard is initially agreed upon, but Bishop reverses his decision during a diplomatic trip to Eastern Europe, fueling a power struggle amid growing paranoia and rumors of assassination plots. 
• October 12, 1983: Amid escalating internal conflicts, a left-wing faction of the Central Committee, supported by General Hudson Austin (Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces), places Bishop under house arrest at midnight. This reflects deepening factionalism between Bishop’s moderate wing and Coard’s hardliners. 
• October 19, 1983: Hundreds of Grenadian supporters march in protest, liberating Bishop from house arrest. He leads them to Fort Rupert (army headquarters), but troops loyal to Austin and the hardliners recapture the fort. Bishop, along with several cabinet members (including Education Minister Jacqueline Creft), union leaders, and others—totaling at least 11 deaths—are executed by firing squad. Their bodies are later burned. General Hudson Austin dissolves the civilian government, announces the formation of the Revolutionary Military Council (with himself as spokesman), imposes a four-day, 24-hour shoot-on-sight curfew, and closes the airport, stranding over 1,000 US citizens, including about 600 medical students.

Connection to Sex Trafficking and Blackmail
The docket (link in OP) provided from Government of the United States Virgin Islands v. JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. (Case No. 1:22-cv-10904, S.D.N.Y.) documents a high-profile civil lawsuit where the U.S. Virgin Islands (USVI) accused JPMorgan Chase of enabling Jeffrey Epstein’s sex-trafficking operation through negligent banking practices.

1. Direct Link to Sex Trafficking: Allegations and Evidence in the Case
• Core Allegations Against JPMorgan: The USVI lawsuit claims JPMorgan “knowingly, negligently, and unlawfully” provided banking services to Epstein from 1998 to 2019, despite his 2008 conviction for soliciting a minor for prostitution. The complaint asserts that human trafficking “was the principal business of the accounts Epstein maintained at JPMorgan,” with the bank handling suspicious transactions like large cash withdrawals (often $40,000–$80,000 monthly) used to pay victims and recruiters. These funds allegedly supported Epstein’s trafficking network on his private islands in the USVI (Little St. James and Great St. James), where he lured and abused dozens of girls and women.

4. Associations with High-Profile Individuals:
• The Vault references Epstein’s “black book,” a 97-page contact list of names, phone numbers, and addresses stolen by a former employee in 2005, which included prominent figures like politicians and celebrities. While not a “client list” as popularly speculated, it shows Epstein’s access to influential networks, which victims claimed he exploited to lure powerful men into compromising situations. Flight logs (not in the Vault but cross-referenced in investigations) list figures like Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew, and Alan Dershowitz, often traveling to Epstein’s properties where abuse occurred. These associations don’t prove blackmail but create a context where it could have been feasible, especially given victim allegations of orchestrated encounters.
• For example, Virginia Giuffre’s allegations against Prince Andrew, claiming Maxwell directed her to engage in sexual acts during island visits, suggest a setup for potential blackmail, though Andrew denies this and settled her lawsuit. Similarly, Epstein’s refusal to answer questions about blackmail during depositions (invoking the Fifth Amendment) adds to the suspicion, though it’s not conclusive.