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An army probe found no major failings, and Hiram later became commander of the Gaza Division despite objections from some kibbutz residents. Zamir has now slated him for promotion next summer.
Neither Katz nor Netanyahu appears concerned about Hiram's record or the feelings of Gaza border residents, just as they have shown little urgency in securing the hostages' release. The real aim seems to be undermining the army chief's standing before a potential Gaza operation. A weakened Zamir would be less likely to challenge cabinet decisions.
This power struggle is also part of the fight over the narrative of October 7. Netanyahu, quick to spot political threats, works relentlessly to shift responsibility to the generals, accusing them of failing to warn him in time. By this telling, he can sleep easily today, claiming that had he been alerted a few hours earlier, the massacre might have been prevented.
The battle over October 7's lessons continues on several fronts. The State Comptroller's report, which Netanyahu hopes will serve as a tightly controlled alternative to a state inquiry he refuses to establish, is one.
Another is a draft report from a team of reserve officers led by retired IDF general Sami Turgeman, appointed by Zamir in March to review investigations conducted under the previous IDF chief, Herzl Halevi.
Within the Shin Bet, after Ronen Bar was pushed toward resignation and before the expected appointment of Netanyahu's preferred candidate, Major General David Zini, the prime minister is looking for steps to ensure a loyal and compliant agency.
The overnight volley of statements between Katz's office and Zamir's did not bode well. Shortly after midnight, Katz claimed Zamir had made the promotions without coordination or prior approval.